While restrictions on conversion—or, more precisely, restrictions on the legal recognition that someone has in fact converted—affect all Indians, they are particularly onerous for Dalits. Because of their desperate status in Indian society, many lower-caste Hindus have considered converting in order to escape their religiously defined plight most Christians in India are from Dalit background. In , B.
The Islamic State (Terrorist Organization)
Ambedkar, a Dalit leader, declared that he had converted to Buddhism to escape Hinduism. Perhaps as many as one hundred thousand Dalits have followed his example. In , about a thousand Dalits converted to Islam in Tamil Nadu. In August , Dalit youth from the same area converted to Christianity.
Top Muslim Scholar: Orthodox Islam and Violence 'Linked' | Time
The attempts to forbid religious conversion are also attempts to keep the underclass in its place. The BJP policies on Hindutva and conversion coincide with increasingly violent attacks by Hindu militants on religious minorities. Attacks on Christians, especially in the states of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, and Orissa, have surged in recent years. These attacks include murders of missionaries and priests, sexual assault on nuns, ransacking of churches, convents, and other Christian institutions, desecration of cemeteries, and Bible burnings.
The other major target of Hindu extremists is the Muslim community, which is haunted by the fear of recurrent communal riots that have taken the lives of thousands of Muslims and Hindus since Indian independence. During the outbreak of violence in Gujarat in February , many of the victims were burned alive or dismembered while police and BJP state government authorities either stood by or joined in. The mobs had with them lists of homes and businesses owned by Muslims, lists that they could have acquired only from government sources.
After the massacre, state BJP officials also impeded the investigation. Other Sangh Parivar officials were even more explicitly threatening. The process of forming a Hindu rule in the country has begun with Gujarat, and VHP will take the Gujarat experiment to every nook and corner of the country. To maintain the political coalition that enables it to rule at the national level, the BJP downplays its specifically religious goals and portrays itself as a moderate party.
But it also allies with the Sangh Parivar to appeal to its base. In its recommendations, the U. It is also a growing trading partner, a possible geopolitical counterweight to China, and a strong U.
In the face of such a threat, we cannot afford to be silent. Paul Marshall. Michael Doran et al. Hudson Institute Senior Fellow Michael Doran describes the shifting American foreign policy consensus in both parties and argues that the foreign poli Husain Haqqani. Rebeccah L. In an interview with Fox News, Rebeccah Heinrichs discusses the best path forward in America's longest running war after a peace deal with the Taliban A mob of Hindus wielding swords and sticks back off after Indian Rapid Reaction Force officers stopped them from attacking a small group of Muslims March 1, in Ahmadabad, India.
Support Hudson Institute. Donate today. June 1, First Things. More Topics. September 10, Hudson Institute. The Realignment - Ep. Listen Now. It touches every aspect of life, from birth to death, in every space that Muslims inhabit: the home; schools, colleges, and universities; mosques; community centres; and public spaces.
This extends an analysis of Islamophobia from the fringes of society to the mainstream, from a practice that is the preserve of extremist individuals and groups, to one that is deeply embedded in society — legally, culturally, and psychologically.
Politics and Nation
By using this approach, the aim is to analyse Islamophobia at an institutional level, as a conscious strategy and practice of power, as it is embedded into policies and practices that routinely privilege white interests and contain the interests of ethnic minority groups.
This approach unpicks the Islamophobia which is endemic and ingrained and which appears as a normal, harmless, mundane feature of society, infused into a wide range of policies and practices, which, regardless of intent, reinforce and reproduce racism Gillborn, In short, it seeks to disrupt the normalised forms of Islamophobia as well as the more exceptional forms. The end goal is to demonstrate how the racist outcomes of social policies, such as counter-terrorism policies, are far from accidental, but rather are a reflection of the racist politics and practices of power that underpin them Gillborn, In the context of the Prevent strategy, this framework offers a way of making sense of its disproportionate impact on Muslim communities.
The universalising essence of Islamophobia, which casts all Muslims and Islam as uncivilised, barbaric and threatening, is culturally rooted in the west and operationalises Islamophobia through beliefs, ideas, tropes and analyses about Muslims and Islam on which the containment and disciplining of Muslims and Islam is situated and justified Fawzi, ; Said, Muslim political agency refers to an engagement with politics that is based on an Islamic discourse, symbolism and practice Birt, Islamophobia encapsulates a fear and disdain of this agency in the public space and aims to suppress Islamic politics, identities, and bodies through institutional structures, and contain Muslims within national borders by articulating national Muslim identities to stem a broader mobilisation of Muslims across the world.
Contemporary manifestations of Islamophobia emerged during the latter part of the twentieth century, at which point Islamic revivalism was underpinning the political mobilisation of Muslims and an assertion of Muslim identity across Europe equality and human rights , and the world anti-colonial struggles.
Islamophobia emerged at this point in history to discipline Muslims and reinforce a hierarchy between the west and Islam, and between Europeanness and non-Europeanness, which was being challenged by Muslims that were making politically significant claims, and presenting different political possibilities Sayyid, In short, Islamophobia emerged at a time when traditional hierarchies were breaking down, and it served to remind Muslims of their inferior status and contain any political mobilisation and claims making hence the prevalence of Islamophobia across all sectors of society, from housing to education, reminding and disciplining Muslims at every turn.
Framed in this way, an understanding of Islamophobia goes beyond simple negative characterisations of Muslims and Islam and taps into and reflects a historical management of Muslims and broader black and ethnic minority groups that accounts for historical inequities. Furthermore, as Sian argues, such a view of Islamophobia shifts the focus away from individual incidents towards the structural operations of power that govern Muslims and the conditions within which violent and non-violent incidents occur.
Since then, as ethnic minorities have slowly entered institutional spaces Collins argues a new politics of containment has emerged, in which surveillance strategies are used to ensure ethnic minorities are unraced so as not to challenge the whiteness of institutional spaces Mirza, As surveillance has been embedded into the fabric of society, the management and containment of populations has reached new heights of sophistication. Surveillance practices and capabilities provide the state enhanced forms of visibility to effect containment strategies that ensure its dominance Fiske, For instance, cities are more precisely zoned in ways that ensure ethnic and religious minorities are contained within particular geographic spaces, and marked as being out of place when they transgress the boundaries Hesse, Futhermore, with the intensification of globalisation, European states have moved towards the direct management of religious minorities by adopting repressive strategies of containment.
Some of these strategies include the creation of enclaves to quarantine religious minorities away from mainstream society, which results in the deprivation of mobility and universal rights afforded to citizens Turner, Surveillance technologies are increasingly implicated in these strategies as they are used to create technological rings of steel. Lewis, In an era of globalisation characterised by mobility, these strategies of containment operating at a national level, have been extended to operate across the world to manage and contain global mobilities.
Surveillance practices play a key role in the global management and containment of populations and have led to the emergence of a global Banopticon Bigo, , which is in part aimed at containing foreigners on the margins. It is made up of a heterogeneous set of discourses, institutions, architectural structures, laws and administrative measures. The attempts to contain a particular population and its political agency using surveillance technologies, is a prelude to a broader strategy of social engineering and discipline aimed at inclusion into a western capitalist order.
Historically, surveillance was at the heart of colonial projects, monitoring the adoption and resistance to imposed European ideals and practices, and monitoring traces of indigeneity that threatened colonial projects. If strategies of inclusion fail, then the individual is purposefully excluded from mainstream society and marked as a threat, for intervention, as the final option. Exclusion is aimed at protecting mainstream society by preventing the excluded subjects from reaching, communicating, and working with mainstream society.
It enables and legitimises the use of violence, coercion, and intense surveillance, all of which can violate basic human rights Kundnani, Although it was introduced with the seemingly positive goal of preventing radicalisation to terrorism in the UK, and political leaders claim out of necessity that it targets all threats of terrorism and extremism, what is clear, is that counter-terrorism practice particularly in the Prevent strategy targets Muslims in general, and in many cases where there is no suspicion or evidence of criminal activity Cohen and Tufail, ; Versi, It is therefore difficult to sustain an argument about the operation of Prevent counter-terrorism as a response to a terror threat.
Instead, the Prevent strategy has been at the forefront of disseminating and normalising Islamophobia across society, by inscribing its assumptions and prejudices into the structural operation of numerous institutions, and shaping the practices of public sector employees. In the strategy, the problem of extremism and terrorism is closely tied to Muslims and Islam, so that the terror threat is regarded as an Islamic threat.
Others, such as Davies , have argued that although the policy document does refer to other groups and forms of terrorism such as right wing terrorism , the thrust of the policy is about Islamic terrorism. The overarching framework that associates Muslims and Islam with terrorism is mirrored in policy discourse in which there are regular associations between Muslims and Islam and extremist and terrorist activity.
Blanket approaches to counter-terrorism such as this play on orientalist cultural narratives of an ever present Islamic threat to the west. Framing the terror threat in this way as an Islamic threat means that the infrastructure and focus of counter-terrorism practices, such as surveillance, are overwhelmingly directed at Muslims. For instance, when Prevent counter-terrorism funding was distributed by central government to local authorities, it was done so in direct proportion to the number of Muslims in a local authority area Kundnani, ; DCLG, More recently, Cobain et al.
It is, therefore, not surprising that given the discursive characterisation of the terror threat as an Islamic threat, and the Muslim-centric nature of counter-terror practice, that Muslims make up an overwhelming proportion of referrals to the Channel programme. This is despite the fact that, according to the last census in , Muslims make up 4. Surveillance is at the heart of containment mechanisms in the Prevent strategy and it has fundamentally reshaped relations between Muslims, the state, and wider society.
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Prevent awareness training such as the Home Office Workshop to Raise Awareness about Prevent theorises that a terrorist attack is the end point of a process, or the tip of an iceberg. In order to monitor the process, and identify individuals on the path to radicalisation, the job of Prevent work is to encourage vigilance and to look for signs, Footnote 3 such as behavioural changes, that would indicate a person is on a conveyor belt of radicalisation to terrorism.
Terrorism in China
Since the vast majority of the iceberg is not easily visible it has to be made visible by strategies of surveillance and monitoring, to allow interventions in the process HM Government, a. This view of radicalisation and terrorism moves Prevent counter-terrorism into the pre-crime domain of pre-emption, which is built upon strategies of surveillance Qurashi, In order to predict and pre-empt an action, there needs to be some level of intelligence to inform decision making. As such, surveillance in the Prevent strategy is not an aberration, or the product of poor practice, but an inbuilt feature of a strategy that is oriented to acting on the future.
There are some indications that intelligence gathering has been at the heart of Prevent practice. More recently, following the terrorist attack on Manchester in , Home Secretary Amber Rudd countered claims on an episode of Question Time, that cuts to police funding may have impeded the prevention of the terror attack. Despite this, there have been longstanding denials from the Home Office about allegations of spying as part of the Prevent strategy.
Rather, the review claimed that information was only collected for community mapping and project monitoring.
However, several Muslim organisations across the country funded by the Prevent strategy, claimed that police and Prevent officers regularly requested, by pestering and pressuring, for specific detailed information about the young Muslims using their services. Using ethnographic data, the next part of the article demonstrates how infrastructures of surveillance have been created in Muslim communities using the Prevent strategy.
The more overt and apparent strategies involve CCTV surveillance at times in a targeted fashion, such as Project Champion in Birmingham , and higher levels of policing.